A World More Concrete: Real Estate and the Remaking of Jim by N. D. B. Connolly

By N. D. B. Connolly

Many humans symbolize city renewal initiatives and the facility of eminent area as of the main broadly despised and infrequently racist instruments for reshaping American towns within the postwar interval. In A global extra Concrete, N. D. B. Connolly makes use of the heritage of South Florida to unearth an older and much extra advanced story.  Connolly captures approximately 80 years of political and land transactions to bare how actual property and redevelopment created and preserved metropolitan development and racial peace below white supremacy.  utilizing a materialist procedure, he deals a protracted view of capitalism and the colour line, following a lot of the money that made land-taking and Jim Crow segregation ecocnomic and hottest  approaches to governing towns during the twentieth-century.

A international extra Concrete argues that black and white landlords, marketers, or even liberal neighborhood leaders used tenements and repeated land dispossession to use the terrible and generate impressive wealth.  via a political tradition equipped on genuine property, South Florida’s landlords and owners complicated estate rights and white estate rights, in particular, on the fee of extra inclusive visions of equality. For black humans and plenty of in their white allies, makes use of of eminent area helped to harden classification and colour lines.  but, for plenty of reformers, confiscating sure varieties of genuine property via eminent area additionally promised to aid increase housing stipulations, to undermine the local impression of robust slumlords, and to open new possibilities for suburban existence for black Floridians.

involved extra with winners and losers than with heroes and villains, A international extra Concrete offers a sober evaluate of cash and tool in Jim Crow America.  It indicates how negotiations among strong genuine property pursuits on either side of the colour line gave racial segregation a impressive ability to conform, revealing homeowners’ strength to reshape American towns in ways in which can nonetheless be visible and felt today.

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Extra info for A World More Concrete: Real Estate and the Remaking of Jim Crow South Florida

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They pressed through water moccasins, a near constant fog of mosquitoes, and dense mangrove forests. In less than six months, Miami had the semblance of a city grid, a newspaper, a bank, and several stores and churches. It also had about 500 voting-age residents—whites and Negroes—which was 200 more than the number necessary under Florida law to incorporate Miami as a city. 5 Contrary to common depictions of electoral politics in the turn-of-thecentury South, Miami’s white civic leaders would not summarily disenfranchise black voters after the city’s 1896 incorporation.

11 Natural population increases had caused their numbers to approach 400 by 1910. Yet this growth brought with it spikes in rates of malaria and infant mortality. Public health crises ran headlong into dramatic reductions in the desirabil- 22 / Chapter One ity of furs and alligator skins by 1915, driving Miami’s native communities further into poverty. Seminoles who saw little future success or stability as the 1900s wore on joined earlier migrants, and fled for reservations in Oklahoma. Others moved to Seminole settlements near Lake Okeechobee farther upstate.

Colored Miami was certainly not the Miami of which I had heard so much. ”36 Colored Town stood as an invention of Henry Flagler. Initially, white and colored workers lived together on the grounds of Flagler’s Royal Palm Hotel during its construction. But once workers completed the project, Flagler bought a separate tract of land on which his colored workers could build their own homes. Black workers bought 50-by-150-foot lots of uncleared land from Flagler at a cost of fifty dollars each. Flagler also donated a plot of land to every religious denomination represented among Miami’s colored people.

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Categories: African American Studies